When one considersthat from 1750 to 1900, 85% to 90% of the Black population livedin the South, and that African Americans in other parts of thecountry are primarily the descendants of people who emigratedfrom the South in waves beginning with World War I (Bailey andMaynor 1987:466), it is clearly the demographics of the rather than the or which arerelevant in assessing the chances of prior creolization (Rickford1997).
London: Routledge, 1998)8.0 IntroductionTwo issues loom large in discussions of the development of AfricanAmerican Vernacular English (AAVE). Thefirst is the "creole origins issue"--the question ofwhether AAVE's predecessors, two or three hundred years ago, includedcreole languages similar to Gullah (spoken on the islands offthe coast of South Carolina and Georgia) or the English-basedcreoles of Jamaica, Trinidad, Guyana, Hawaii or Sierra Leone.
AAE likely represents traces of a creole origin, ..
There is also the issue of intermediate positions on the creoleorigins issue, like those of Winford (1992b:350-51) who is nowwilling to accept that a "creole substratum" did playsome role in the history of AAVE, but not that it was once a full-fledgedcreole like Gullah.
24/11/2017 · American Black English: An Introduction
Some definitionsTo understand the "creole origins issue," we need tohave some idea of what pidgins and creoles are, and for this,I will draw on Rickford and McWhorter (1997:238):Pidgins and creoles are new varieties of language generated insituations of language contact.